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Russia is a country acutely sensitive to "lack of respect", and the West seems to have got into the habit of almost routinely neglecting such respect. Even before the Sochi scuttle there was Condi Rice's condescending willingness to "forgive Russia" after the disagreements over the 2003 Iraq war; the appointment in 2009 of a US ambassador with a long history of published academic works strongly critical of Russia; the glib way all Western governments instantly (and erroneously) blamed Russia for the start of hostilities with Georgia in 2008; and the casual and public way President Obama cancelled his planned summit with Putin in 2013 because there was "nothing to talk about". Russia of course faces its own charge sheet-attacks on Western business and NGOs, Litvinenko, Edward Snowden-but it is hard not to feel that, for many Western politicians, Russia has become a country to profile themselves against rather than try seriously to work with.

For a long time there was not much Russia could do about all this. It was too weak, and too distracted by internal problems. But the humiliation did play into Yeltsin's search in 1999 for a successor who would stand up to the West. He found Vladimir Putin. 

Ironically, Putin, like Yeltsin, started out with hopes of good relations. He (fruitlessly) reopened the question of Russian membership of Nato and gave the US important (if unacknowledged) support in the aftermath of 9/11. But, spooked in particular by alleged Western involvement in the 2003-04 "colour revolutions" in Georgia and Ukraine, as well as by Western sympathy for Chechen separatism, he, too, swiftly came to see the West as a threat.
 
Russia's rapid economic recovery after 2001 revived its international self-assertiveness. It found a key ally in China. The two countries see eye to eye in their shared aversion to US "unipolarity" and to Western activism on democracy and human rights issues (an agenda with obvious implications for their own internal governance). China has also worked harder than the West at the political aspects of its relationship with Russia (Xi Jinping's first overseas trip for example was to Moscow). In the UN Security Council Russia and China repeatedly blocked Western proposals for action on Zimbabwe, Sudan, Iran and, most recently, Syria. Russia has firmly backed China's approach to Tibet, as China has Russia's to Chechnya and the Caucasus. Meanwhile, Putin, in a famous speech in 2007, castigated the West for edging towards "a new Cold War", suspended a key European arms control treaty, and has threatened to site nuclear weapons on the borders of Nato in response to US plans to base new missiles in Europe.

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MikeW2
March 24th, 2014
3:03 PM
A minor point is that not only did "The West" not send any high-level politicians to Sotschi, the USA provoked Russia by sending an openly gay female tennis player. (As tennis is not a Winter Olympics sport this can only be construed as provocation). The following point is good. > Russia has become a country to profile themselves against rather than try seriously to work with. There seem to be only two Western countries that want to keep channels open. One is Germany with both Merkel and her foreign minister more interested in dialog than making political points (although she manages to condemn the invasion at the same time!) and the other is Finland whose president (Sauli Niinistö not to be confused with the Environment Minister Villi Niinistö)[Note that traditionally the president of Finland has a major foreign relations role] said today publicly that he would continue person to person contacts with Vladimir Putin.

hegels advocateAnonymous
February 28th, 2014
7:02 PM
I think Zizek might call this article "tartling" about (see his `What is an authentic political event?` in the New Statesman) When does the new economic model of the first civilised 21st century country Uruguay get taken seriously ? Zizek is silent on this too. As are Pussy Riot and Femen artists.

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