The Conservatives are the natural beneficiaries of the new zeitgeist - if they are bold enough to take their opportunity. When their ideas of a more devolved Europe are dismissed by the faithful as "not on the agenda" of Continental leaders, they can reply that unchecked integration is demonstrably not on the agenda of Continental voters, and that the EU's self--proclaimed democracy is meaningless without reversible legislation and a sackable government, the two features it most notably lacks. Meanwhile, they can simply stand on their pledge to put the Lisbon Treaty to a referendum unless all 27 member states have ratified it.

If the Irish people hold the line until May 2010 and a Cameron government honours its pledge, the treaty will never come into force. It is not a document deserving of respect, and its demise would trigger the most fundamental European soul--searching since the collapse of the plan for a European army in 1954. Britain is too powerful to be ordered to vote again and "get it right next time". Instead, the chancelleries of Europe would have to react to a changed realpolitik, the more intractable for being brought about democratically and not opposed by the purposeful ideals of a Monnet or a Delors.

As the old project runs into the ground, the Conservatives' vision for Britain's place in a new Europe must appeal not just to British voters but to reformists throughout the Continent. A few things can be done unilaterally - such as better parliamentary scrutiny of EU laws and closer control of the decisions of ministers in the secretive EU council. But others, including the legal modifications necessary if the Tories are to implement their domestic social programme, would entail engagement with their European partners. The interface between European and domestic law is a complex subject, long overdue for proper analysis. The embarrassing spectacle has to end of policies being approved in Westminster and promptly overturned by the courts because of the unforeseen ramifications of conflicting laws.