You are here:   Civilisation >  Books > From Jesus Sect to Imperial Faith
 

This is in large part because of Brown's considerable artistry both as historian and as writer. He has long been admired for the eloquent precision of his prose but here it is the construction of his book that most prompts admiration. By taking wealth and the related areas of expenditure and charitable giving as his theme he has found a way to portray not only entire classes of hitherto neglected people, such as the mediocres of the fourth century, "the lower and middle classes of the towns", but specific long-forgotten individuals, such as "the Harvester of Mactar", a poor labourer from the hinterlands of Tunisia, who worked his way up "under the rabid sun", to become a small land-owner; we know of him only from an inscription which he left behind where he boasts that "I sat in the Temple of the City Council and from a little farmer I have become a civic elder — a censor." Brown excels at portraiture, such as the obscenely ostentatious Petronius Probus, one of "the super-rich whose estates spanned southern Italy, north Africa, and other regions of the Mediterranean like the branches of a modern ‘multinational' company", and of whom the late Roman historian Ammianus Marcellinus — one of Brown's favourite sources — wrote that he "languished like a fish out of water if he was not in office." Probus is given as a representative figure: he embodies the lavish spending on public spectacle as well as the greasy pole-climbing of late Roman society but at the same time, in Brown's hands, he stands before us as a specific living individual; we feel with a shudder that we have met Probus. Other figures, such as those of the poet Ausonius of Bordeaux or the splendidly named Sidonius Apollinaris, the fifth-century poet who has left us enduring images of what Brown aptly calls a "landscape of the heart", emerge too in all their complexities of refinement from these pages. And often, as with Probus or Symmachus (another of Brown's wonderful depictions), these figures recur like characters in a Balzac novel.

Brown punctuates his grand narrative with sharp aperçus. He notes, for example, that "other-worldly religions — whether this be late — antique Christianity or its exact contemporary at the other end of Eurasia, the Buddhism of central Asia and western China — often manage to become very rich very soon." And he follows this up by remarking, "as Chinese observers noted, with characteristic economy of words, there was a lot of wealth to be gotten from fo-shih — from ‘Buddha business'." Or he will allude, quite unexpectedly, to Jorge Luis Borges who wrote that "any coin is a repository of possible futures" and then use this to "follow the track of gold at the very top of Roman society". Brown's skill in introducing such allusions lightens his narrative by providing little nuggets of surprise that both delight and illumine. Finally, by arranging his account in brief, rather dramatic chapters — few longer than five or so pages — Brown manages both to create momentum and to keep his reader pleasantly unprepared for what comes next; a disquisition on architecture and a small family estate will be followed by a chapter on "the happy body" of the affluent — an ideal as much connected with notions of the microcosm as with a celebration of personal good fortune.

To do justice to either of these books in a short review is itself a bit like attempting to thread a camel. Perhaps the best I can do in the end is to evoke one of the fascinating plates in Brown's book. Captioned "the touch of empire", it shows a metal pepper pot in the form of an empress. Part of a treasure discovered at Hoxne in East Anglia, it displays its empress with wide eyes and a soft but commanding smile. The figure is at once regal and gently amusing. An exquisite example of multum in parvo, it embodies a long-lost world, as distant as the early days of nascent Christianity or the vast and intricate realm of Late Antiquity and yet, in its genial humanity a world that is still just recognisably our own.

View Full Article
 
Share/Save
 
 
 
 
William Fankboner
October 12th, 2012
12:10 AM
I may well have missed something here, but I had always understood that the expression 'eye of the needle' refers to a small door in a large gate through which people could pass into a walled compound to avoid opening the gate.

Stephen Goranson
October 5th, 2012
1:10 PM
Prof. Vermes does argue that "Essenes" originally (in Aramaic) meant "healers," but there is no consensus about Essene etymology. More than 60 different proposals have been published, ranging from guesses in Akkadian to Persian Avestan. The Essene scrolls among the Dead Sea Scrolls do not identify themselves as "healers," so Vermes declared that outsiders must have named them, without good evidence. One Hebrew self-identification now found in the Essene Qumran scrolls was proposed in 1532 and in each following century before the Qumran discoveries. The medieval book Yosippon had replaced Essenes with Hasidim (which can’t be the source), following rabbinic disinclination to use the name Essenes (not allowing that Essenes were the observers of Torah), and the modern Hebrew Issim is merely a modern retroversion from the Greek. In 1532 Ph. Melanchthon wrote “Essei / das ist / Operarii / vom wort Assa / das ist wircken.” 1550 “…to declare the straitnesse and severitie of lyfe with the dede, and would be called Essey, that is workers or doers, for Assa, whence the name commeth, sygnifieth to worke…” 1557 David Chytraeus [Kochhafe], Onomasticon. ESSENI seu Essei, id est, operarii. 1559 M. Flacius Illyricus et al. Ecclesiastica Hist., Magdeburg Centuries. Basel. [1573-75 Azariah dei Rossi. Me'or Enayim. Mantua. Aramaic proposal] [1583 J. Scaliger, De Emendatione Temporum. on hallucination proposals] [1605 Scaliger, Elenchus Trihaeresii. different view] 1619 Sixtinus Amama ed. De Sectis Iudaicis…, Arnheim. 1674 J. Lightfoot, Horae Hebraicae et Talmudicae, on Lk. xv, 7. 1680 Johann H. Willemer. Dissertatio…Essenis…. 1703 J. Triglandius ed., Trium Scriptorum…Judaeorum Sectis…Delft. 107: Essenes as factores legis, doers of the law. 1743-4 J.C. Happach. De Essaeorum Nomine. Coburg. 1745 Johann Ulrich Tresenreuter 1839 Isaak Jost, Die Essaer…, Israelitische Annalen 19, 145-7. 1858 S. Cohn; David Oppenheim, MGWJ 7, 270-1; 272-3. 1862 L. Landsberg, Allgemeine Zeitung des Judenthum 26/33, 459. 1864 C. D. Ginsburg, The Essenes 1875 J. Lightfoot, Saint Paul’s Epistles to the Colossians…appx. 1881 A. B. Gottlober, …B$M KT H(SS(N(R )W (SS((R HaBoker Or [Warsaw] 170-1. 1881 Rev. Et. J. 3, 295. 1894 Kruger, Theologische Quartalschrift 76 [&1887, 69] 1938 H.M.J. Loewe in Encyclopedia Britannica (14th ed.) 718. (includes ‘asah as a possible etymology, soon before the Qumran discoveries). Then in Qumran Essene pesharim appeared the self-designation, ‘osey hatorah.

Post your comment

CAPTCHA
This question is for testing whether you are a human visitor and to prevent automated spam submissions.