None of this would have been possible, of course, without the economic prosperity brought about by Uribe's successful and ruthless subjugation of his country's warring factions. Nevertheless, the dailies El Tiempo and El Mundo and the weekly magazine Semana contain endless editorials warning that the November referendum and Uribe's likely re-reelection will endanger the entire democratic process. 

For all their failings, Colombians have always prized the democratic process, usually more than their neighbours. Early in the post-colonial period they rebelled against Simón Bolívar's dictatorial tendencies, which Venezuelans found palatable. Many claim that although they are Uribistas, they oppose the re-reelection process for the sake of democracy. Others who say they are not particularly Uribistas cannot name any other candidate for whom they would vote. On my travels, I could find no one who didn't think Uribe would win, inspiring his fiercest critics to compare him to Chávez, his "evil twin", on the grounds that they both lead personality cults and have enormous personal power, though they use it for opposite ends. The only serious alternative candidate is Defence Minister Juan Manuel Santos, but he would have had to resign by the end of May to stand. 

Colombians fear the return of a president soft on the Farc, like the leading Congresswoman Piedad Córdoba, who heads the Colombians for Peace party and is a constant thorn in Uribe's side. She wants to politicise the Farc and bring them into Congress, so Uribe will not allow her to negotiate with the guerrillas for the release of hostages, some of whom have been held for 11 years. With nearly every Colombian having been personally touched by the cancer of Farc kidnapping and murder, she may well be what Colombians fear most at the polls and, unintentionally, Uribe's greatest boon.