The half-baked ideas of a candidate for UKIP leader may be insignificant in the grand scheme of British politics, but Evans’s comments typify a strand of argument all too prevalent in post-referendum British politics today. She is part of the “will of the people” brigade. They see themselves as mediums who must be consulted if the views of the electorate need to be ascertained. Farage leads this cohort and he is promising a “100,000-strong” march to the Supreme Court on the day it hears the government’s appeal against the High Court decision. A politician who calls his supporters out onto the streets whenever something doesn’t go his way is not a politician who deserves to be listened to, as the government tackles the many thorny questions that come with the Brexit process.

Unfortunately, the “will of the people” brigade do have one thing going for them: the existence of a Remain rump who really do want to ignore the referendum result. Indeed, the hostile response to the High Court judgment (“Enemies of the People” headlined the Daily Mail the next morning above pictures of the judges involved in the case) can in part be explained by the fact that those bringing the action against the government would rather Britain remained in the EU. They are not alone. The SNP has made clear that its MPs will vote against the triggering of Article 50 come what may because Scotland voted to Remain. The Liberal Democrats see an opportunity to woo new voters as an unambiguously pro-EU party. Some Labour MPs are also tempted by this logic. They are entitled to make whatever argument they like; but they should not be under any illusion as to the ammo they provide Nigel Farage and anybody else who makes political capital by persuading the British public that they are being cheated out of what they voted for.  

The most important dividing line in the politics of Brexit Britain is not between those who campaigned for Leave and those who campaigned for Remain. It is between those who have faith in the strength of British institutions — the legal system, Parliament, the Bank of England, the civil service, the press — and those who see these institutions as nothing more than obstacles to change. The mistake at the heart of the populist group’s thinking is the idea that everything would be so simple if the establishment didn’t get in the way, as though good ideas (and leaving the EU is a good idea) would automatically become reality if it wasn’t for pesky bureaucrats. This is the politics of the pub bore and should not be taken seriously.

Theresa May has three big Brexit questions to answer: What agreement will the UK reach with EU member states? What relationship will we have with the rest of the world once we leave? And what domestic reforms are needed to make the most of our new freedoms? For Brexit to be a success, she must draw on the strength of the institutions around her as she navigates the uncertain waters in which she finds herself.