Fortunately, as Humpty Dumpty plummeted earthbound, it was already clear what would happen to his constitutional parts. That much was clear, of course, once the Scotland Act hit the statute book. There is no other means of answering the West Lothian Question satisfactorily than by re-establishing equity among the four constituent parts of the United Kingdom, each with its own representative parliament or assembly. The unthinking retort to such a proposal is that it would create two different types of MPs. The truth is, of course, that that is the very injustice under which English MPs currently labour. A majority of all MPs, with the support of MPs from non-English constituencies, can outvote in our current system the wishes of a majority of English MPs trying to decide purely English matters. An English assembly or parliament is the only way I see of answering Tam's West Lothian Question in a manner that re-establishes equity amongst the four countries of the United Kingdom.

Each assembly — for England, Wales and Northern Ireland — should have the powers that have been, or are about to be granted to the Scottish Parliament. The remaining functions would be reserved for a senate (which would replace the present House of Lords). Foreign affairs, defence and the remaining Exchequer powers would be exercised by a senate common to all four nations. This senate, I suggest, should be made up of two types of members. Two hundred and fifty or so would be elected by the voters from new senate constituencies based on between six and seven current parliamentary or, as they would be called, assembly constituencies. Each one of these senate constituencies would return a senator. Whether they should be elected on a first-past-the-post principle, or on some other form of proportional representation, should be the basis for further debate. What must be ruled out from the outset would be the current system for EU elections, where the party hierarchy decides the order in which the candidates are elected, with voters restricted to a choice of voting for a political party but never a person. We must be able to elect our senators and they must be accountable to a known electorate and be known to that electorate.

I would also suggest that we retain the valued independence and wide-ranging expertise of the current House of Lords by allocating a hundred or so senate places among each of the constituent parts of the Big Society, so the established representatives of the professions, the arts, education, science, religion, trade unions and industrialists et al. would elect senators through their associations.

The current House of Commons would be the meeting place for the English parliament or assembly. Their Lordships would cease to sit in Parliament and the buildings of the House of Lords would be the meeting place for the senate. The senate should be encouraged to hold some of its sessions in each of the four constituent countries, particularly when considering legislation particular to that country. It should also be encouraged to hold pre-legislative hearings as part of its business, whether conducted in Westminster or in other countries of the United Kingdom. The overall aim would be to simplify the present structure of government and to do so at nil cost. The abolition of the House of Lords would save £93 million annually.

Timing is crucial. Whether we think it wise or necessary, the promises that have been made to Scotland must be honoured. People cast their votes on these pledges. But the professional constitutionalists — those calling for restraint and mega-conventions and royal commissions and God knows what, and who have had, after all, since 1977 to think out their position — should not be allowed to slow down justice for England.