Both the major political parties are now intent on erecting their own roadblocks against achieving justice for the English. The Prime Minister's call for English votes for English issues is little more than a catchphrase. A moment's reflection shows how near impossible it would be to work effectively within our current constitutional arrangements. Who would decide, for example, when an issue was an exclusively English matter, and when it related to the other three countries of the UK? Would those MPs who are critical of the current Speaker's stewardship be happy with the holder of that office deciding which MPs would vote on which measures?

Nor should Labour's understandable, but totally unacceptable, wish to maintain their Scottish bonus be allowed to negate setting the outlines of the English question this side of the election. The voters recognise weasel words when they hear them. Labour's offer of a major constitutional convention is a not very skilful attempt to kill the debate until after the votes are counted. This issue, once lost in the long grass, is where, I suspect, Labour will wish to keep it. But Labour has to accept the truth that the bonus that is gained from having Scottish MPs added to the English parliament now has a sell-by-date put on it by the Scottish voters themselves.

I would suggest that an enabling Bill on England, Wales and Northern Ireland be tabled, debated and voted upon before the next election. The next Parliament should debate and settle the details of the enabling Act, but the form of the constitutional change must be clear and submitted to voters at this coming general election. The next Parliament could, of course, take such a measure off the statute book, but Labour will only do so by effectively branding itself as the anti-English party, with all the consequences this would bring in English Labour seats at the following election.

Some, perhaps many of us, opposed Scottish devolution in that we knew that devolution was a journey rather than a destination and that it would inevitably fracture the United Kingdom. But, sadly, breaking up has been shown not to be all that hard to do.

Scottish devolution was rammed through by those, like Gordon Brown, who now claim that its logical outcome, the settlement of the English question, would strike a dagger at the heart of our constitution. That dagger was wielded long ago by those who steadily refused to see that it was they who made the English question what it is. There were no demands for an English parliament until the Scottish reformers forced their reforms on England.

Those of us who opposed the original devolution proposals now have a duty to make a settlement of the English question in a manner that does not spitefully disadvantage those other three countries — Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. And a clear statement to that end can be made in the powers and country representation in the new senate. The English should propose limiting their numerical advantage in any four-nation constitutional settlement and to do so in deciding the national shares for the new senate places. Likewise, the English should move to give a new senate proper checks and balances on any extreme activities of the four assemblies or parliaments. I can think of no better time to rework our infinitely flexible constitution than the 800th anniversary of Magna Carta this year.