Fourquet’s research shows that French Jews are moving from areas run by Communist mayors — twinned with Palestinian camps, where Palestinian war heroes hold honorary citizenship, and regular exhibitions are held on the Nakba — to areas where there are right-wing mayors, and twinned with Israel. Internal aliyah — not to Israel, or English-speaking countries — is the largest movement of French Jews. “Are they trying to flee Muslim areas?” I ask. “Yes, clearly, very clearly,” says Fourquet. “What we found was that when the Jews moved, this was the canary in the coal mine. There is now massive flight of the non-immigrant population from these areas.Things that were previously felt by the Jewish community are now felt by the population at large.”
What do regular French families fear? Fourquet’s study found the answer was insecurité, a term that has a much wider meaning in French. His studies pick up the following examples: they range from anger that 15 types of veil are sold in the market but no pork, to reports of physical assault.
The rise of Saint-Denis France is also the rise of Le Pen Land. “But this has changed the Front National,” says Fourquet. Back in the 1990s many Front National voters used to live in immigrant areas. “The Front’s vote in Seine-Saint-Denis,” he says, “which was very high in the 1990s, has now collapsed to near- non-existent levels due to massive white flight.” This has changed Le Pen’s slogans. “France for the French” has been ditched for “This Is Our Home.”
“What does the slogan mean?” grins Fourquet. “It means we make the law here, and we say how you live. And if you have to go — ‘This Is Our Home’ — it means you have to remind people of it, because it’s no longer so clear.”
The pollster feels France is obsessed with Islam. “It may not sounds like it,” he says, “but areas like Saint-Denis are only small.” This obsession is paranoid. The French believe Muslims make up 31 per cent of their population. In reality, Fourquet estimates Muslims comprise only 7-8 per cent. The internet is filled with viral zombie demography, he explains. Predictions of a Muslim majority by 2050 are baseless. Only 13 per cent of French teenagers are Muslims, and Muslims are expected to reach only 10 per cent of the French population by 2030.
“Yet what we found in our interviews in the Jewish community,” says Fourquet, “was more and more Jews say, there is us, them and you — the ethnic French. Yet again, in our interviews with them, they talk as if they are canaries in the coalmine. This comes up a lot: you’ll see it when were gone and you’ll be left with them — les Arabes. This is dramatic. The sense of a common French destiny is vanishing in our surveys.”
This new France is Marine Le Pen’s good fortune. Her rank and file call her Joan of Arc, France’s saintly heroine come to lance the Muslim peril and slay the Brussels Hydra. Marine is the leader of what she calls “the first party of France”. This claim is serious. Her Front now has more members than the governing Socialist party and came first in the first round of 2015’s regional elections with nearly a third of the vote. (In the second round, tactical voting kept them out.) Marine is becoming a serious contender for the presidency.
What do regular French families fear? Fourquet’s study found the answer was insecurité, a term that has a much wider meaning in French. His studies pick up the following examples: they range from anger that 15 types of veil are sold in the market but no pork, to reports of physical assault.
The rise of Saint-Denis France is also the rise of Le Pen Land. “But this has changed the Front National,” says Fourquet. Back in the 1990s many Front National voters used to live in immigrant areas. “The Front’s vote in Seine-Saint-Denis,” he says, “which was very high in the 1990s, has now collapsed to near- non-existent levels due to massive white flight.” This has changed Le Pen’s slogans. “France for the French” has been ditched for “This Is Our Home.”
“What does the slogan mean?” grins Fourquet. “It means we make the law here, and we say how you live. And if you have to go — ‘This Is Our Home’ — it means you have to remind people of it, because it’s no longer so clear.”
The pollster feels France is obsessed with Islam. “It may not sounds like it,” he says, “but areas like Saint-Denis are only small.” This obsession is paranoid. The French believe Muslims make up 31 per cent of their population. In reality, Fourquet estimates Muslims comprise only 7-8 per cent. The internet is filled with viral zombie demography, he explains. Predictions of a Muslim majority by 2050 are baseless. Only 13 per cent of French teenagers are Muslims, and Muslims are expected to reach only 10 per cent of the French population by 2030.
“Yet what we found in our interviews in the Jewish community,” says Fourquet, “was more and more Jews say, there is us, them and you — the ethnic French. Yet again, in our interviews with them, they talk as if they are canaries in the coalmine. This comes up a lot: you’ll see it when were gone and you’ll be left with them — les Arabes. This is dramatic. The sense of a common French destiny is vanishing in our surveys.”
This new France is Marine Le Pen’s good fortune. Her rank and file call her Joan of Arc, France’s saintly heroine come to lance the Muslim peril and slay the Brussels Hydra. Marine is the leader of what she calls “the first party of France”. This claim is serious. Her Front now has more members than the governing Socialist party and came first in the first round of 2015’s regional elections with nearly a third of the vote. (In the second round, tactical voting kept them out.) Marine is becoming a serious contender for the presidency.
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