Mr Qadir also provided the link to the original “resistance fighter” story, run in a UK journal called the Middle East Monitor (MEMO). MEMO is a pro-Muslim Brotherhood publication which claims to be “honest in everything we write and publish”. It has certainly been upfront in its support for the “knife intifada”. A MEMO article hailed the stabbers as the “the pride and dignity of the Muslim nation”. The author hoped the stabbings would turn into a “third Intifada . . . may God bless the people of the third intifada. Go on with your intifada, our hearts are with you.”
David Cameron has said that it is just this sort of mindset that forms part of a broader extremist spectrum offering Muslims a warped worldview which can take some to the front door of violent extremists.
In contrast to his tweets on the Israel-Palestine conflict, Mr Qadir’s denunciations of the cold-blooded barbarity of IS come over as heartfelt and passionate. The fact that he receives government funds and is also a Home Office-approved mentor for the Channel deradicalisation programme will also come at a cost to his standing in some sections of the Muslim community, for both signal that he buys into the government’s Prevent agenda. So what explains his aberrant behaviour when it comes to the Israel-Palestine conflict? I emailed and telephoned him to try to find out but was told he could not comment.
Hanif Qadir is not the only Muslim to stick his neck above the parapet actively promoting Prevent, while at the same time making incendiary remarks with no factual foundation about this highly contentious conflict that helps keep young Muslims angry.
Take Waqar Ahmed, manager of the Prevent programme in Birmingham since 2011 — a tough patch, to be sure. Reading Mr Ahmed’s Facebook pages, his commitment, like Mr Qadir’s, to trying to prevent young Muslims from going to Syria and Iraq burns through. Nor does he flinch from taking on the Prevent naysayers, like the 280 academics and Islamists who last summer signed a letter to the Independent saying that Prevent would have a “chilling effect on open debate, free speech and political dissent”.
“I feel I have to respond,” wrote Mr Ahmed on Facebook, “because no one is going to do it on my behalf, the people we work with will be too frightened to speak out of fear of becoming community outcasts.”
The letter complained that Prevent “remains fixated on ideology as the primary driver of terrorism” when really the government should be focusing on factors like “social exclusion” because they “play a more central role in driving political violence than ideology”.
It was yet another attempt to persuade the public that government counter-extremism policy is based on the flawed notion that there’s an inevitable progression from non-violent but extreme ideas to violence. But the letter shoots at a straw man. Ministers accept that social factors may well make some people more vulnerable to ideology. Equally, ideology also helps turn “simmering prejudice into murderous intent”, as Mr Cameron has put it. The one constant with terrorism is that it always draws on ideology. The bien pensants seek to factor that out.
David Cameron has said that it is just this sort of mindset that forms part of a broader extremist spectrum offering Muslims a warped worldview which can take some to the front door of violent extremists.
In contrast to his tweets on the Israel-Palestine conflict, Mr Qadir’s denunciations of the cold-blooded barbarity of IS come over as heartfelt and passionate. The fact that he receives government funds and is also a Home Office-approved mentor for the Channel deradicalisation programme will also come at a cost to his standing in some sections of the Muslim community, for both signal that he buys into the government’s Prevent agenda. So what explains his aberrant behaviour when it comes to the Israel-Palestine conflict? I emailed and telephoned him to try to find out but was told he could not comment.
Hanif Qadir is not the only Muslim to stick his neck above the parapet actively promoting Prevent, while at the same time making incendiary remarks with no factual foundation about this highly contentious conflict that helps keep young Muslims angry.
Take Waqar Ahmed, manager of the Prevent programme in Birmingham since 2011 — a tough patch, to be sure. Reading Mr Ahmed’s Facebook pages, his commitment, like Mr Qadir’s, to trying to prevent young Muslims from going to Syria and Iraq burns through. Nor does he flinch from taking on the Prevent naysayers, like the 280 academics and Islamists who last summer signed a letter to the Independent saying that Prevent would have a “chilling effect on open debate, free speech and political dissent”.
“I feel I have to respond,” wrote Mr Ahmed on Facebook, “because no one is going to do it on my behalf, the people we work with will be too frightened to speak out of fear of becoming community outcasts.”
The letter complained that Prevent “remains fixated on ideology as the primary driver of terrorism” when really the government should be focusing on factors like “social exclusion” because they “play a more central role in driving political violence than ideology”.
It was yet another attempt to persuade the public that government counter-extremism policy is based on the flawed notion that there’s an inevitable progression from non-violent but extreme ideas to violence. But the letter shoots at a straw man. Ministers accept that social factors may well make some people more vulnerable to ideology. Equally, ideology also helps turn “simmering prejudice into murderous intent”, as Mr Cameron has put it. The one constant with terrorism is that it always draws on ideology. The bien pensants seek to factor that out.
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