The Conservative Party’s hold on office may look secure for years to come. But it is the hold on power that matters. Real power is not wielded by those who cherry-pick their opponents’ policies, or accept prevailing error as unchallengeable, or retreat before passionate illogicality. Real power is exercised by those who know who they are and what they want.
The Conservative party’s problem is that it does not know. Despite electoral success, the party has lost sight of its purpose. This is not, for the most part, the result of cultural trends, technical developments, philosophical dissonance or inter-generational disagreements — though these exist. It is principally the result of inadequate leadership. Within the Conservative party, as within other parties, different wings, currents and ideological groups have always had to co-habit. Some people, for example, are more socially conservative than others. Some believe that the operation of the market is enough to determine every large question. For some, the significance of nationhood is greater than everything else. Anyone who remembers the 1980s will also recall that there were different strands of opinion at work in those years. Some will remember, too, that even within Mrs Thatcher’s own ever-active and often over-active mind there were a host of conflicts and contradictions in play. But the basic identity of the party, like the essential core of its beliefs, was unquestioned. British conservatism is a philosophical outlook that simultaneously supports traditional institutions, endorses free-market economics and asserts the importance of the nation-state. Within that framework there can be vigorous argument. But abandon it, and there is merely the politics of false pretences.
David Cameron is on the record as deploring “tribal” politics. But the Conservative party, like the Labour party, is, in the end, a tribe. Some members of the tribe departed to join UKIP. But many more stayed quiet, sulking in their wigwams. Times could be about to change. Now it is the modernisers who might need to hang on to their scalps. As young, frequently new arrivals, and very full of themselves, they were always resented. Now they are expendable. They persuaded the party that it had to change, and it reluctantly did. But, if it wishes, it can afford to change again. It is clearly now possible for the Right to win elections, and do so without adopting Blairite disguise. For this new opportunity, traditional Tories should give thanks to Comrade Corbyn.
The Conservative party’s problem is that it does not know. Despite electoral success, the party has lost sight of its purpose. This is not, for the most part, the result of cultural trends, technical developments, philosophical dissonance or inter-generational disagreements — though these exist. It is principally the result of inadequate leadership. Within the Conservative party, as within other parties, different wings, currents and ideological groups have always had to co-habit. Some people, for example, are more socially conservative than others. Some believe that the operation of the market is enough to determine every large question. For some, the significance of nationhood is greater than everything else. Anyone who remembers the 1980s will also recall that there were different strands of opinion at work in those years. Some will remember, too, that even within Mrs Thatcher’s own ever-active and often over-active mind there were a host of conflicts and contradictions in play. But the basic identity of the party, like the essential core of its beliefs, was unquestioned. British conservatism is a philosophical outlook that simultaneously supports traditional institutions, endorses free-market economics and asserts the importance of the nation-state. Within that framework there can be vigorous argument. But abandon it, and there is merely the politics of false pretences.
David Cameron is on the record as deploring “tribal” politics. But the Conservative party, like the Labour party, is, in the end, a tribe. Some members of the tribe departed to join UKIP. But many more stayed quiet, sulking in their wigwams. Times could be about to change. Now it is the modernisers who might need to hang on to their scalps. As young, frequently new arrivals, and very full of themselves, they were always resented. Now they are expendable. They persuaded the party that it had to change, and it reluctantly did. But, if it wishes, it can afford to change again. It is clearly now possible for the Right to win elections, and do so without adopting Blairite disguise. For this new opportunity, traditional Tories should give thanks to Comrade Corbyn.
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