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The final element in the mix was the party's own establishment. This might, at first blush, seem surprising. Why should the old movers and shakers of the Conservative Party embrace a message of change? Was it not a reproach to all they had done and been? It was, but it didn't matter. The residue of Major's colleagues, most of the financial backers, would-be peers, and the reliable bevy of tame journalists who over the years have shown a touching or arguably shameless fidelity to whomsoever was in charge — these simply wanted to be once more close to power.

The formation of a Coalition government, back in 2010, at first seemed a tribute to the foresightedness of the Tory modernisers. Prominent exponents of the project, like Francis Maude and Oliver Letwin, had always hankered after links with the Liberal Democrats. Coalition particularly appealed to David Cameron, because Liberal Democrat votes offered a buffer against the Tory Party's unreconstructed Right, who could be rendered impotent and then gradually shunted out of the Commons. But it has not worked out.

The public justification for the Coalition was the need to avoid economic collapse. The Coalition parties were given a doctor's mandate. But their own skewed priorities meant they were incapable of applying it. The modernisers had always believed that Conservatives in the Thatcher era were too preoccupied with economics. (Cameron himself said as much before becoming leader and still believed it even after the financial crisis hit.) Modernisers thought that the economy would run itself, or at least mend itself, and that they could concentrate on softer, more appealing issues, like health and the environment. So despite the facade, the Tories, in truth, entered the Coalition with no sense of urgency about cutting public spending. It is now too late. The deficit is still swollen, debt is rapidly increasing, taxes are high, and growth remains absent or anaemic. There will be no economic gains by 2015 to claim victory at the election. The strategy has failed.

There is worse. For some modernising policy commitments linger on, because no one knows how to reverse them. Each will drive a nail into the Conservative coffin. The obsession with alternative energy will push up household energy bills, madden country dwellers, and disadvantage industry. Increasing overseas aid, while eviscerating defence, will give the right-wing press a field day. Above all, the legislation to redefine marriage, encapsulating the profound contempt which the party leadership has for the values of its supporters, will inflict bitterness up to the next election and beyond.

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Peter, cornwall.
June 8th, 2013
2:06 PM
Brilliant article, diagnosis spot on though cure I'm not so sure off. Cameron's legacy will not be "gay marriage" but the destruction of the Conservative party which I have up until the local elections voted for all my life."Gay marriage" has highlighted a problem I had not previously realised in British politics. The Godless right are as much to be feared as the Godless left. The "cancer" in the Conservative party is clearly too widespread and therefor inoperable. But who's fault is that? Is it not merely reflecting the collapse in Christian values and morality in the wider society?

Anonymous
June 7th, 2013
12:06 PM
"Politics is a brutal game. But for sustained personal unpleasantness, the Conservative modernisers deserve some kind of award." How very very true. I remember attending a Westminster meeting over ten years ago when the modernising movement was getting going. The bile, malice and sheer vituperation directed at anyone with remotely centre-right leanings (especially if they were old or middle-aged and white) was a wonder to behold, with at least three current ministers fully involved. What's more, they haven't changed.

Anonymous
June 2nd, 2013
2:06 PM
"A political party cannot charge down its eccentrically chosen route, trampling opposition, belittling critics, insulting supporters, only to find itself in a cul-de-sac, and not expect to be bruised by them when it finally doubles back." Indeed. And the first and most important part of Tory 'reckoning' surely must be to liberate the party from the modernisation project's two most disastrous architects: Cameron and Osborne.

Chrysostom
June 2nd, 2013
8:06 AM
A percipient and well-argued article. Cameron must go if the Tories are to have any chance. And they must drop the attack on marriage, the biggest vote-loser of all time. Were they to do so, then individual MPs would gain enormously if they voted against the attack on marriage. Almost all Labour MPs voted to wreck marriage: and so at the next election, the Tories must ensure that their constituents know all about this. Labour will try to wriggle out but dishonesty should be exposed. Thus, this vote-losing subject could actually become a vote winner for the Tories but they must drop the measure - and Cameron - NOW.

Peter63
June 1st, 2013
7:06 AM
The shape of things to come, politically speaking, was exhibited by the Eastleigh by-election. There the LibDems were superbly organised and garrisoned, no effort was left unmade or less than brilliantly targeted by them, and they got 32.06% of the votes cast. UKIP and the Tories' votes combined came to 53.17% of the votes cast. The Tories found out that David Cameron/George Osborne's brilliant strategy of getting rid of ordinary members on the ground throughout the country; and running elections entirely in the interest of a Parliamentary Party which is more and more required to be a team exclusively working for them; and doing it all by gaining big-cheque bribes from big business and therewith national publicity and mail-shots, not old-fashioned presences and canvassing; obtained for them third place in a two-horse race. Cameron, Theresa May and Co have done for the Conservatives what Gerald Ratner did for his inherited family firm. Once the Tory Party dies out completely - this year, next at latest? - the anti-'liberal' consensus vote everywhere will be enormous.

MartinW
May 29th, 2013
9:05 PM
A devastating critique, and correct in every particular.

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