So Churchill's implied question must be posed again: will America and Europe stand by and see Israel overwhelmed? We do not hear a clear answer to this, either from the White House or from Downing Street. Meanwhile, from Brussels, we hear voices from Europe's unspeakable past. This is how the Belgian Trade Commissioner Karel de Gucht reacted to the resumption of Israeli-Palestinian talks: "There is indeed a belief — it's difficult to describe it otherwise — among most Jews that they are right...So it is not easy to have, even with moderate Jews, a rational discussion about what is actually happening in the Middle East...Do not underestimate the Jewish lobby on Capitol Hill. That is the best organised lobby, you shouldn't underestimate the grip it has on American politics — no matter whether it's Republicans or Democrats." It is no surprise that the European Commission supported de Gucht when refusing to apologise; he merely expressed regret that he had been misinterpreted. Nobody in the British government saw fit to denounce his blatant anti-Semitism, let alone call for his resignation. Nor, more surprisingly, did those who are no longer constrained by office. What, for example, did the former Trade Commissioner Peter Mandelson make of his successor's comments? His father, Tony Mandelson, was the advertising manager of the Jewish Chronicle, which de Gucht would no doubt regard as a leading organ of the "Jewish lobby". Yet not a word from Lord Mandelson, either. Churchill had high ideals for post-war Europe, but he would not have countenanced the likes of de Gucht as its spokesman. Why does David Cameron do so?

To sum up: Churchill sought to guide the fortunes of Christian civilisation away from the threat of a new Dark Ages and into the "broad, sunlit uplands". He only partly succeeded: while Western Europe was saved, Central and Eastern Europe had to endure many more years of tyranny. Under his leadership there was, however, no doubt about the direction of travel, no ambiguity, no guilt, no relativism, no equivocation about the values for which he stood. He was under no illusions about Stalin, but in order to defeat Hitler he was ready if necessary to ally himself with anyone. "If Hitler invaded Hell," he wrote, "I would at least make a favourable reference to the Devil in the House of Commons."

This, surely, is what we mean by leadership. This is what we need, now as then, at a time when Britain faces a crisis not merely of prosperity, but of identity. Can Cameron, supported by the broadest coalition of any Prime Minister since Churchill, rise to the occasion? If we give him the tools, will he finish the job?