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There is a continuing and fascinating debate about the political wisdom of David Cameron and his team in entering so wholeheartedly into coalition with the Lib Dems after the inconclusive 2010 general election. Only time will tell if this was a masterful gamble that will transform the future of British politics and create a realignment enabling the Conservatives to regain their historical status as the natural party of government. Given the huge political prize of a stable Con-Lib coalition, it was arguably a small concession to offer the Lib Dems a referendum on the mildest possible form of change to the voting system — AV.

However, the British Constitution is of such fundamental importance that it is far from ideal to endanger it for the sake of an inter-party deal, no matter how attractive. A constitution should be stable and be altered only when there is a pressing reason for doing so and demand for change from a clear majority.

During the election campaign, a mere one per cent of the population — as measured by Ipsos MORI — rated constitutional reform as the most important issue facing the country. Since AV was merely one of a number of aspects of constitutional reform, it is reasonable to conclude that only a small proportion of this one per cent rated a change to this system as the key matter. There is no mandate for pushing a referendum on AV to the top of the political agenda.

If there is to be such a referendum, there is a strong argument for holding it only after the details have been worked out and approved by both houses of Parliament. Instead, at the Lib Dems' insistence, the date has been set for May 2011. This will leave no time to debate properly the many outstanding details about the wording of the referendum question and the rules for its administration and financing. The Lib Dems' motive for holding the referendum so early is clear from research by Dr Matt Qvortrup of Cranfield University showing that referendums are far more likely to win public approval if they are held during the honeymoon period shortly after a general election.

Leaving aside the legal problems about referendum funding left by the hastily-enacted Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Bill, 2000, and ignoring too the problem posed by the fact that the chair of the Electoral Commission is a former employee of a voting reform lobby, there is the matter of the wording of the referendum question itself. The coalition's political leaders have set out a form of words that asks the country to decide between the "Alternative Vote" and "First Past the Post". Yet the term "AV" itself is ambiguous. Under some forms, an elector is obliged to list all the candidates in a constituency in order of preference. Unless he or she does this, the ballot is invalid. Under other forms of AV, the voter needs to make only as many choices as desired. The two systems work very differently and raise separate questions of principle. Yet, the wording of the referendum question leaves open which form of AV is up for approval. Nor are these the only two forms of AV.

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J Lam
April 23rd, 2011
3:04 PM
New Zealand IS including the alternative vote as an option in its referendum later this year, the only difference is that they call it preferential voting. See: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Zealand_voting_method_referendum,_2011#...

Tom Round
March 24th, 2011
4:03 AM
As an Australian I can only laugh when a foreigner informs me that Alternative Vote prevents voters from "throwing out" governments. Mr Pinto-Duschinsky should google the names of "John Howard", "Paul Keating", "Malcolm Fraser" and "Gough Whitlam". By contrast, FPTP failed pretty miserably at removing Margaret Thatcher from office in 1983 and 1987 when a solid majority of British voters didn't want her.

Derek Young
September 9th, 2010
2:09 AM
If the test of FPTP is whether it allows electors to "throw the rascals out", then it must be judged an abject, miserable failure. Only once in 130 years has a majority government of a single party been replaced by a majority government of a different single party, in 1970. On three occasions (1929, 1951 and 1974) the party which won fewer votes of the top two won more seats, making a mockery of the idea that FPTP gives the public direct control of the type of government we have. The most damning condemnation of FPTP, which this article ignores, is that the outcome of a FPTP election is determined by only a handful of voters - the swing voters in marginal constituencies, estimated at between 600,000 and 1m people out of an electorate of 42m. Everyone else might literally as well stay at home on polling day (which, of course, they are increasingly doing). Similarly, the assertion that AV will result in a permanent state of government for the Lib Dems is one made out of philosophical opposition, not neutral analysis. As best as we can tell, most AV elections would still result in a majority government (as in Australia, where the last hung parliament before the current one occurred 70 years ago). FPTP may have worked reasonably well (though far from perfectly) when two major parties won, between them, 98% of the votes cast. Now they win fewer than two-thirds of the votes cast. In such circumstances, maintaining FPTP is increasingly not only a defiance of common sense but more damagingly an almost institutionally corrupt way of excluding the vast majority of citizens from influencing their government.

Dave Thawley
September 8th, 2010
10:09 PM
I just wanted to concur with Ian, the article is not at all informed and is not factual. Please go to the Electoral Reform Society website for an unbiased view of AV (or what the article here for some reason calls PV (perhaps to give the very false illusion the author knows what he is talking about). To be honest, if you have started to read the comments before reading the article I would advise with utmost sincerity you don't waste your time

Ian MacDougall
September 8th, 2010
12:09 AM
The title of Pinto-Duschinsky's piece here 'Let's Keep Throwing the Rascals Out' suggests that only by retaining first-past-the-post (the existing UK system) will this still be possible. That is merely the reddest of the article's many red herrings. Another is the suggestion that preferential voting (PV) will install the loathed and detested Lib-Dems permanently into power, albeit in coalition with whichever of the other two parties is unprincipled enough to get into bed with them. So the author dismisses all other states hich have adopted PV, while acknowledging (ie he does not actually dispute) that it operates satisfactorily in Australia. The satisfaction by the way comes from not having a party installed into office that most people voted against. Not having a government that most people don't want is related somehow to democracy, but I am not sure how. PV can involve some primary school mathematics, it is true: like being able to count from 1 to n, where n is the number of candidates in the constituency. PV is also routinely opposed by those who see their favoured party's privileges evaporating as a result of it. Such people are usually on the conservative side of politics, and so it is worth asking why mainly conservatively-governed Australia introduced it in the 1920s. The answer lies in the fact that at the time of its introduction, the conservative vote was split between two parties, one urban and the other rural, and their mutual opponent, the Labour Party had already shown that it was able of winning more votes than either of them and forming governments. So the CONSERVATIVES introduced PV in order to continue their rule, and to share office between their rival parties, and to ensure that no team of rascals could gain office without the support of 50% + one of the electors. Not a red herring in sight. Simple as that. Nothing fishy about it at all.

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