But others with far greater power than academia are also complicit in this process. Did major banks think about the cultural implications of sharia-compliant finance, which is conspicuously absent in Egypt? This was allowed by Gordon Brown without triggering the public outrage that attended the Archbishop of Canterbury’s sly unclarities about sharia law. The police — in their capacity as the paramilitary wing of the Guardian — seem to be turning a blind eye to “honour crimes” and to the informal resort to sharia law, even when this involves manifestly criminal offences.
A robust response to the jihadist threat is also stymied by ideologue lawyers who have made a decent living out of defending terrorists; and by judges who, with honourable exceptions, seem to have greater allegiance to abstract notions of human rights than they do to the primary right of people in Britain not to be blown to pieces. Attempts to free the alleged al-Qa’eda leader in Europe, Abu Qatada, on the grounds that he might be tortured or convicted by torture-tainted testimony in Jordan, are a national disgrace. Judges have also recently undermined the government’s attempts to interdict terrorist financing — even in the case of a dangerous al-Qa’eda operative known for legal reasons as “G”— after having subverted the regime of control orders that was introduced at their behest after they themselves had released detainees from long-term custody in Belmarsh. Even the Royal Navy is reluctant to detain Somali pirates lest they claim asylum (and benefits) because their “human rights” might be infringed in Saudi Arabia, Somalia or Yemen.
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