Aids has seized the biggest percentage of a national population in stable, relatively prosperous Botswana, where the interventions were early, broad and by the book. This is not a paradox, because in Africa, Aids is a disease of development, of roads and money. Through these, Africans acquire more sexual partners, which they see as a justified, adaptive use of the land and its resources. Crucially, the one-night stand is rare. A man may see a woman only a few times a year, but she is still "his girlfriend", and he brings her money, clothes and toys for their children. Sex in Africa is not about promiscuity but networking and fertility, about founding and enlarging a nurturing and protective clan. Telling Africans that, in the era of Aids, this is not so any more is like telling them they can't touch the food in front of them. In fact, they retort with this same metaphor ("Shall I not eat the fruit of a tree?"). This applies, mutatis mutandis, to crime. Don't bother to say in Africa, "There it is, and though you and people close to you need it and nobody else is using it, keep your hands off it," because nobody is listening.
Deriding African males is not to the point, as women (unless they have a religious or material stake in Western sexual ideology) are just as intransigent, asking, "How do I get the necessities of life unless I trade sex for them?" The homilies about girls "foolishly" putting out for taxi rides and buckets of Kentucky Fried Chicken come from people who never sat in a shack without even a supply of boiled maize.
The other most stark problem in South Africa, the economy, which threatens to create a crisis like Zimbabwe's, is meticulously covered in both books (more thoroughly and insightfully in Johnson's). How can we think more productively about Africa, so that honest and diligent books like these can reach some conclusion besides despair? I couldn't help but deplore, while making my way through Johnson's excellent chapter on black economic empowerment, our Western statistical superstition. The current world economic crisis, with rushed and solemn meetings of political and financial leaders, has reinforced our strange idea of the past century, that numbers — rather than people — do things.
To explore African investment and employment in terms of financiers' and governments' calculations on paper seems very limiting. Policy does not rule in this domain any more than with Aids. The policy of African leaders becomes important chiefly when, like Robert Mugabe, they go insane with frustration and start to raze things. Paranoia, psychologists tell us, is fundamentally about powerlessness: a person would rather be important enough for persecution than be utterly ignored. (This makes Mbeki's position more sympathetic: without Mandela-like status to fool him, he had to see much more clearly that his country would go wherever it wished, in spite of "leadership".)
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