As for Aids, Africans and Europeans are not even naming the same set of problems when they speak of the "economy". The size of the menace drives them deep into the security of their distinct traditions. The economic conflicts that result are naturally heavy: they are about different ideas of what life is for. Anthropologists write of the "high leisure preference" of African males. Right now, America could learn a lot from their scepticism about the exchange of time for material goods. But in Africa, real hatred rises from the clash between African and Western attitudes towards work.
The Northern Hemisphere's environment — good soil, shallow minerals, readily harvestable hard timber, many water sources, few droughts, few endemic diseases, few parasites, few predators — cried out for control and cowered under our manipulation. Planning and owning worked there. The most adaptive Africans put their energy into banding together and merely helping keep track, as far as they can, of the devastating forces around them.
They were then invaded by people who had technologies powerful enough to overcome a few of the realities of Africa. These people boasted that, given a free hand, they could overcome them all. This did not seem to the Africans to be true, and besides, they could see that they themselves were among these realities. But the technologies brought in (such as maize culture) that required systematic work were useful — and increased the population to numbers that could not do without them, and then beyond those numbers. But these technologies were not really suitable for the local climate or natural resources and needed one infusion after another of expensive, complex, troublesome new technology. One main African way of life that looks ancient, authentic and sustainable, subsistence farming on permanent allotments, was in many regions new and out of kilter 100 years ago.
Whites in South Africa tried to tip the cultural balance optimally in their favour. Making Africans work in distant mines in white territory was a project that long predated the forced removals of apartheid. Most of the Africans the mining houses wished to recruit were not tempted by money and had to be indentured courtesy of their chiefs, or taxed or starved into labour. The mining compounds were virtual prisons. But accounts, like Russell's, of miners' lives stress efficient control and oppression in a way that does not ring true. For example, I remember South African mine owners pleading, in a full-page ad in a major national newspaper, for the international norm of continuous operation, with night shifts to make the most of expensive capital and sustain companies and jobs. South Africa's deeply buried gold was extra-costly to extract in the first place, the ad claimed, and now the local industry was taking a hammering from continuous-operation mines overseas. The low South African wage scale was not mentioned, and I could not vouch for any of the figures, but one at first odd-looking circumstance did emerge clearly. In a country with reported unemployment above 30 per cent and a government social-welfare system that was a bad joke, and private charities overwhelmed, workers refused to co-operate with their employers by working at night.
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