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My students were final-year undergraduates — representatives, then, of the so-called "me generation". In China, there is a perception that rising materialism and Western influence has created a generation who are disconnected from traditional culture and solely concerned with their trainers and smartphones. The latter I can certainly verify: never have I had to tell so many students off for using their mobiles in class. 

Many talk of the new culture of openness in China and this was certainly my experience. The students were familiar with events in Tiananmen Square and agreed that Hong Kong-style democracy was the way forward. When it came to politics, though, they seemed apathetic; certainly, they did not display those "post-materialist" values associated with present-day capitalism in the West. They equated the market with progress and aspiration; disillusionment has not yet set in. 

My task was a difficult one. While their English was impeccable, they knew very little about contemporary Britain. In China, the Beckhams are more widely recognised than the royal family, with young Romeo modelling for Burberry, an airbrushed Posh on the cover of Vogue and Becks the face of their beleaguered Super League. Their knowledge of British history was patchy but positive: they had heard of Magna Carta and the Glorious Revolution, recognising the value of what one student termed the "British rule of law". The Whig version of our history may have died out in Britain, but it is very much alive in Beijing.

Adam Smith was as familiar to them as Karl Marx, although Friedrich Engels was new to them. On reading his Condition of the Working Class in England, they pointed to the parallels between his analysis of the Irish poor and the rural peasants now inhabiting China's cities. But they seemed unconvinced by Engel's critique of laissez-faire capitalism or even that from the Christian socialists. Victorian workhouses did not come as a great shock. Given that the poverty rate in China has declined from 85 per cent to 13 per cent since the liberalisation of its economy, it is little wonder that this generation perceives the market as the route out of poverty rather than the cause of it. 

Explaining the British class system to anyone outside it is a challenge, but its shift from a pyramid to a diamond shape with the expansion of the middle class was a phenomenon my students recognised. Only one identified himself as working-class — he was also the only Communist Party member among the group. I was, however, surprised to see a copy of Roger Scruton's Meaning of Conservatism bulging out of his satchel. 

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sd goh
September 28th, 2013
11:09 AM
Eliza Filby, pardon me for bringing up this point about China being more "a continent than a nation/country." I think it was Bertrand Russell also who mentioned this in his 1922 book 'The Problem of China'. I would like to think that during your time there, albeit a brief one, you most likely would not have encountered this phenomenon which Russell found quite amusing. And that is, at his lectures there, notable Chinese intellectuals would scramble to sit at the back of the hall than in front, to avoid sticking out conspicuously. This low-profile stance could be said to be due to the Taoist teachings in which 'self-effacing' conduct is a marked one .

Ceri Morgan
September 27th, 2013
8:09 AM
Thanks Eliza - this drew a really good picture of the students you taught. I've visited China many times in the last 20 years and have worked for and with Chinese companies, and you'll be pleased to know that the answering of mobiles in meetings is not confined to the young: 40-something business execs do it all the time as well. You quote Martin Jacques, and he is very quotable, but have ever actually learned anything useful from him? His advocacy of China is on the face of it positive, but I do not believe that his big idea, the European Nation State vs. the Chinese Civilisation State, is either accurate or useful, and like badly woven silk it falls to pieces under rigorous examination.

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