We all feel that way sometimes. When we hear that a Premier League footballer has secured a superinjunction to stop details of his energetic adulteries appearing, we look to the web to supply us with the details. When we want to check a fact or research a problem, we believe in Google's illusion of omniscience and click on its home page.
I do not underestimate the advances in knowledge. Like all previous revolutions in communications technology, the web will change the world. But, like all previous revolutions in communications technology, it will give advantages to those who already enjoy power and wealth. As well as empowering the citizens of democracies and dissidents in dictatorships, it empowers elected governments, dictatorial regimes, police forces, spies, employers, blackmailers, frauds, fanatics and terrorists. The new technologies are Janus-faced. The future may be one of greater information-sharing and informed collective action as people exploit new resources or, as is the case in China, Belarus and Iran, one of suspicion as citizens understand the growing likelihood of computer-enabled surveillance. What happens will depend on where you live, what rights you have, and how persistently you and your fellow citizens engage in political struggles to defend or expand those rights. It will depend most of all on what arguments we have.
So despite the objections, I have published You Can't Read This Book: Censorship in an Age of Freedom (Fourth Estate, £12.99). It is easy enough to explain why. No one can write well unless they believe in a book's importance. A sincere conviction in the necessity of telling your story offers no guarantee of quality-many terrible books have a horribly misguided sincerity behind them-but without it, the task is hopeless. This rule applies as much to novels that the high-minded dismiss as trash as literary fiction. The first person an author has to sell a book to is himself or herself, and if he or she can't believe in it, no one else will. In my case, I've been a journalist for 30 years and debates about what I can or cannot write have been a part of my life. It seemed a natural subject.
How one writes about such a broad topic is a harder question to answer. Conservatives said I should condemn political correctness. As I do not want to go back to a country where jokes about the niggers, the Pakis, the yids and the micks were all over the television, I haven't, but instead looked at the failure of frightened liberals in the West to back censored liberal writers from the poor world. Ayatollah Khomeini's death threat against Salman Rushdie still casts its shadow, and I argue that fear of a violent reaction has created a culture of pretence in the Western democracies. The grand pose of intellectuals and artists is that they are the moral equivalents of the victims of repressive regimes. Loud-mouthed newspaper columnists strike heroic postures and claim to be dissenting voices bravely "speaking truth to power". Their editors never have to worry that "power" will respond by raiding their offices and throwing them in prison.
Publicly-funded comedians and state-subsidised playwrights claim to be the edgy breakers of taboos as they denounce wars and government collusion with corporations. They never fear that government will respond by cutting their grants. Few admit that what makes liberal democracies liberal is that "power" will not throw you in prison, whether you speak the truth to it or not, and that taboos have been broken for so long that the most "edgy" thing an artist can do is to uphold them. If the transgressive came clean, they would accept that they lampoon the bigotry of Christianity and the wickedness of Western governments because they know that Christians are not so bigoted and Western leaders are not so wicked that they would retaliate by trying to kill them, while the Islamists on whose behalf they self-censor just might. Their fear means that they cannot support liberal Muslims and ex-Muslims in Egypt or Iran — or, to come closer to home, Bethnal Green and Bow. From Rushdie onwards we have seen the spectacle of liberal Westerners condemning or ignoring dissident Muslim and ex-Muslim artists when their (and our) theocratic enemies seek to silence them.
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