Division also created important distance between what were very distinctive Leave tribes. Take, for example, the reaction to Farage’s controversial “Breaking Point” poster, showing a line of migrants crossing the Croatia-Slovenia border during the height of the migrant crisis of 2015. Had there been a unified Leave operation, Michael Gove and Boris Johnson would not have been able to convincingly express their disapproval of the message. Having two distinct sets of Brexiteers allowed mainstream politicians to reassure voters that voting Leave was not an endorsement of xenophobic politics. All the while, Farage’s more full-throated case for Leave was heard by those who wanted to listen.
Finally, consider an alternative scenario in which every corner of the Leave movement came together under one umbrella. Is it likely that a campaign as ideologically diverse and involving as many egos would have had the agility and ruthlessness needed to fight an effective national campaign?
Myth No. 4: Vote Leave should not have painted £350 million on the side of their bus
Emblazoned on the side of the Vote Leave battle bus, taking Boris Johnson and Vote Leave chair and Labour MP Gisela Stuart, around the country, was the slogan, “We send the EU £350 million. Let’s fund our NHS instead.” The claim also played a starring role in Vote Leave leaflets and broadcasts. It was the single most repeated — and controversial — assertion made by the campaign.
The figure of £350 million was derived by taking the UK’s gross contribution to the EU in 2014 — £18,777 million — and dividing it by 52, giving £361 million, which was then rounded down for neatness. The figure takes no account of the £4.4 billion rebate negotiated by Margaret Thatcher and in place since 1985, which is deducted at source (i.e. never sent to Brussels). In 2014 there was also nearly £4.5 billion the UK received back in various EU grants, the vast bulk for agricultural support and regional development aid, much of which will continue — paid for by British taxpayers — after the UK leaves. The figure of £350 million is, at best, debatable. What cannot be argued with is that there will not be £350 million which can simply be given to the NHS on leaving the EU.
The use of the figure was extremely controversial with many Vote Leave supporters. It prompted Ruth Lea, a leading pro-Brexit economist, to resign and campaign for Brexit independently. Farage believes it was a big mistake — perhaps not surprising because of his rivalry with the official campaign — but so did politicians who took part in Vote Leave’s regular Thursday campaign meeting. When asked about the figure, one senior politician replied: “Well, I never went on the bus. Draw your own conclusions.” Another at the very top of the campaign said: “I can still put together an argument to justify its use.” Hardly a ringing endorsement.
We have spoken to most of Vote Leave’s largest donors. Only one of them was happy with the use of the £350 million figure. Many felt it was dishonest and reduced their noble cause to the same level as the Remain camp’s Project Fear. The message of giving the money to the NHS also did not sit well with donors who believed in reducing the size of the state and reforming public services.
Finally, consider an alternative scenario in which every corner of the Leave movement came together under one umbrella. Is it likely that a campaign as ideologically diverse and involving as many egos would have had the agility and ruthlessness needed to fight an effective national campaign?
Myth No. 4: Vote Leave should not have painted £350 million on the side of their bus
Emblazoned on the side of the Vote Leave battle bus, taking Boris Johnson and Vote Leave chair and Labour MP Gisela Stuart, around the country, was the slogan, “We send the EU £350 million. Let’s fund our NHS instead.” The claim also played a starring role in Vote Leave leaflets and broadcasts. It was the single most repeated — and controversial — assertion made by the campaign.
The figure of £350 million was derived by taking the UK’s gross contribution to the EU in 2014 — £18,777 million — and dividing it by 52, giving £361 million, which was then rounded down for neatness. The figure takes no account of the £4.4 billion rebate negotiated by Margaret Thatcher and in place since 1985, which is deducted at source (i.e. never sent to Brussels). In 2014 there was also nearly £4.5 billion the UK received back in various EU grants, the vast bulk for agricultural support and regional development aid, much of which will continue — paid for by British taxpayers — after the UK leaves. The figure of £350 million is, at best, debatable. What cannot be argued with is that there will not be £350 million which can simply be given to the NHS on leaving the EU.
The use of the figure was extremely controversial with many Vote Leave supporters. It prompted Ruth Lea, a leading pro-Brexit economist, to resign and campaign for Brexit independently. Farage believes it was a big mistake — perhaps not surprising because of his rivalry with the official campaign — but so did politicians who took part in Vote Leave’s regular Thursday campaign meeting. When asked about the figure, one senior politician replied: “Well, I never went on the bus. Draw your own conclusions.” Another at the very top of the campaign said: “I can still put together an argument to justify its use.” Hardly a ringing endorsement.
We have spoken to most of Vote Leave’s largest donors. Only one of them was happy with the use of the £350 million figure. Many felt it was dishonest and reduced their noble cause to the same level as the Remain camp’s Project Fear. The message of giving the money to the NHS also did not sit well with donors who believed in reducing the size of the state and reforming public services.
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