Myth No. 3: Infighting nearly cost Leave the referendum
In a short film made for the BBC after the referendum, Vote Leave’s Matthew Elliott said that one of his challenges during the campaign was “fighting UKIP”. It may have struck viewers as odd that the man behind the campaign to take the UK out of the EU saw UKIP, the only serious political party committed to leaving the EU, as somehow not on his side. And yet, to the despair of many long-time Brexiteers, much of the year that separated the general election and the referendum was dominated by Leave disunity. At the heart of the feud was a colossal personality clash between, on the one hand, Matthew Elliott and Dominic Cummings, the latter notoriously difficult to work with, who together ran Vote Leave, and Arron Banks, a hot-headed Bristol-based businessman and UKIP backer who co-founded with Richard Tice Leave.EU, a second Brexit campaign.
We have seen hundreds of confidential emails sent between key Brexiteers in the build up to the referendum campaign. The revealing exchanges demonstrate the stunning deterioration in relations between the Elliott and Cummings camp, and Arron Banks. In June 2015 they were politely arranging an informal lunch at Shepherd’s, a politicos’ haunt in Westminster, to discuss how they might work together on the vote. Within a few months, accusations of briefing against one another and lying began to fly back and forth. (“Either pack it in or we will properly go at it,” Banks tells Elliott at one stage.) Last October, when Vote Leave’s website went live, Banks emailed Elliott: “If this is your best shot, you should be shot . . . for goodness sake get a grip.” High-profile Leave donors, who worried that petty rows might cost them their once-in-a-generation opportunity to leave the EU, had to intervene, soothing egos and appealing for calm.
When it became clear that the Banks camp would compete (ultimately unsuccessfully) with Vote Leave for designation, the animosity spilled into the public domain, with Banks baiting his rival as “Lord Elliott of Loserville” on social media. In May, Banks sent the mobile telephone numbers of Elliott, Cummings, Douglas Carswell MP and others to his supporters, urging them to pressure the “backstairs crawlers behind the creaking Vote Leave operation” to include Nigel Farage in the BBC’s Wembley Arena debate. It was no surprise that stories of the Leave leaders behaving like ferrets in a bag, squandering the referendum they had called for, became a theme of the campaign.
There was undoubtedly a tremendous amount of bad blood between the camps. But, as counterintuitive as it sounds, the divisions that exasperated so many on the Leave side in the end worked to their advantage. The pressure being applied by Leave.EU — and the threat of humiliation if they did not win designation — appears to have focused Vote Leave minds early on. If competition meant sleepless nights for Elliott and Cummings, it also meant a better Leave campaign. Over at Leave.EU, Banks’s determination to beat Vote Leave meant he spent heavily in late 2015 and early 2016, only amplifying arguments against EU membership.
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